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Well then, Victoria, how did you come to talk English the way you talk English? Because, because I grew up with Blacks – alright? So when she says – when I ask her where she’s from and she says
Oh yeah? He emigrate from Israel? Yeah. Really? Yeah. Where you from? Do you speak um, Hebrew? A little. A little bit. My father’s from Israel. My brother was there. He was in, como se llama [what’s it called], the big hill where the, uh, the, Masada. Masada. He was there. I thought she was White, man. See I thought she was, I thought she was White. You know? = Yeah. Uh-huh, I saw you a few times before, and I = = And, and, she said she’s from= thought then you were a Gringa, you know? Pero, ésa, ésa es la confusión, es lo que te digo, que [But that, that’s the confusion, it’s what I’m saying, that] el color- You know something, there is a lot of racism against Africans, descending Africans, and African Americans, and African Hondurans, and African Dominicans, and African Cubans.
Pleasant, which means that my orientation to the former ﬁelds differs from my orientation to the latter. 15 Discussion of theory is not limited to Part II, however. Much of the analysis in the ethnography chapters uses somewhat technical sociolinguistic theories. So that the analyses will make sense to readers without a background in this area, I provide explanations of the 26 Part I – The Ethnography theories I am using at the point where they are relevant within each chapter. The difference between these explanations and the discussions in Part II is that Part II is concerned with a more general description of past research that bears on the current study, while the explanations within the ethnography itself (Part I) provide the details of particular theories so that readers will understand the speciﬁcs of how I’m applying these theories to what people in Mt.