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By Jon Silverman

Media clamour on concerns on the subject of crime, justice and civil liberties hasn't ever been extra insistent. if it is the homicide of James Bulger or detaining terrorist suspects for lengthy classes with no trial, mediated remark has grown immeasurably over the last twenty years. So, how does it have interaction with and form coverage in those fields? How do the politicians either reply to and take a look at to govern the media which permeates our society and culture?

Crime, coverage and the Media is the 1st educational textual content to map the connection among a quickly altering media and policymaking in felony justice. Spanning the interval, 1989-2010, it examines a few case stories – terrorism, medicinal drugs, sentencing, policing and public security, among others – and interrogates key policy-makers (including six former domestic Secretaries, a former Lord leader Justice, Attorney-General, senior law enforcement officials, govt advisers and best commentators) in regards to the influence of the media on their considering and perform.

Bolstered by way of content material and framing research, it argues that, in particular, within the final decade, worry of media feedback and the day-by-day Mail impact has limited the policymaking time table in crime and justice, concluding that the increasing impression of the web and net 2.0 has started to undermine a few of the ways that organisations corresponding to the police have received and held a presentational virtue.

Written by means of a former BBC domestic Affairs Correspondent, with unrivalled entry to the top reaches of policy-making, it truly is either academically rigorous and available and may be of curiosity to either students and practitioners in media and felony justice.

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Additional resources for Crime, Policy and the Media: The Shaping of Criminal Justice, 1989-2010

Sample text

He says: ‘Better talk to the Daily Mail not me’. Interview with author, 21 June 2010 But real cases present politicians, whatever their intentions, with hard choices. In the Sweeney controversy, Vera Baird insists that her intervention was not motivated by the same populist instinct as that of John Reid: My position was not his, which was simply: ‘this is a soft sentence which is making people in my constituency angry’. My take on it was different. By the time I made my comments, the issue was no longer an outcry against a judge but on the IPP sentence which the Daily Mail would have spun as, ‘only a small amount of time in prison, with the rest of the sentence in the hands of unspecified social worker types’ who are not necessarily representative of ‘white van man’.

It is a confusion. His job is to make sure that law and order works. It is not to put himself at odds with the law, which is what he often did. When I was political editor of the Spectator, I was once at a dinner with Blunkett and Norman Tebbit [a leading right-wing member of Mrs Thatcher’s government]. They got on so well, it was untrue. Neither understood the British concept of independent institutions – especially the judiciary. Interview with author, 14 December 2010 Certainly, within the delicate balance of Britain’s unwritten constitution, Blunkett’s argument carries risks.

The blogosphere is churning stuff out all the time – usually just garbage … I regard the media as the weather, and politicians just have to deal with it. Interview with author, 21 June 2010 But sometimes, the weather can be so unremittingly hostile that it claims casualties. The media storms over failures in public protection, to be considered in the next chapter, inflicted damage not just on judges, probation chiefs, and the Parole Board – but on Home Secretaries themselves. 4 Protecting the public or protecting the politicians?

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